| Virgin Birth of Christ |
| The dogma which teaches that the Blessed Mother of Jesus Christ was a virgin |
| before, during, and after the conception and birth of her Divine Son. |
| I. THE VIRGIN BIRTH IN CATHOLIC THEOLOGY |
| Councils and Creeds |
| The virginity of our Blessed Lady was defined under anathema in the third canon |
| of the Lateran Council held in the time of Pope Martin I, A.D. 649. The |
| Nicene-Constantinopolitan Creed, as recited in the Mass, expresses belief in |
| Christ "incarnate by the Holy Ghost of the Virgin Mary"; the Apostles' Creed |
| professes that Jesus Christ "was conceived by the Holy Ghost, born of the Virgin |
| Mary"; the older form of the same creed uses the expression: "born of the Holy |
| Ghost and of the Virgin Mary". These professions show: |
| That the body of Jesus Christ was not sent down from Heaven, nor taken |
| from earth as was that of Adam, but that its matter was supplied by Mary; |
| that Mary co-operated in the formation of Christ's body as every other |
| mother co-operates in the formation of the body of her child, since |
| otherwise Christ could not be said to be born of Mary just as Eve cannot |
| be said to be born of Adam; |
| that the germ in whose development and growth into the Infant Jesus, |
| Mary co-operated, was fecundated not by any human action, but by the |
| Divine power attributed to the Holy Ghost; |
| that the supernatural influence of the Holy Ghost extended to the birth of |
| Jesus Christ, not merely preserving Mary's integrity, but also causing |
| Christ's birth or external generation to reflect his eternal birth from the |
| Father in this, that "the Light from Light" proceeded from his mother's |
| womb as a light shed on the world; that the "power of the Most High" |
| passed through the barriers of nature without injuring them; that "the body |
| of the Word" formed by the Holy Ghost penetrated another body after the |
| manner of spirits. |
| Church Fathers |
| The perpetual virginity of our Blessed Lady was taught and proposed to our belief |
| not merely by the councils and creeds, but also by the early Fathers. The words |
| of the prophet Isaias (vii, 14) are understood in this sense by |
| St. Irenaeus (III, 21; see Eusebius, H.E., V, viii), |
| Origen (Adv. Cels., I, 35), |
| Tertullian (Adv. Marcion., III, 13; Adv. Judæos, IX), |
| St. Justin (Dial. con. Tryph., 84), |
| St. John Chrysostom (Hom. v in Matth., n. 3; in Isa., VII, n. 5); |
| St. Epiphanius (Hær., xxviii, n. 7), |
| Eusebius (Demonstrat. ev., VIII, i), |
| Rufinus (Lib. fid., 43), |
| St. Basil (in Isa., vii, 14; Hom. in S. Generat. Christi, n. 4, if St. Basil be |
| the author of these two passages), |
| St. Jerome and Theodoretus (in Isa., vii, 14), |
| St. Isidore (Adv. Judæos, I, x, n. 3), |
| St. Ildefonsus (De perpetua virginit. s. Mariæ, iii). |
| St. Jerome devotes his entire treatise against Helvidius to the perpetual virginity |
| of Our Blessed Lady (see especially nos. 4, 13, 18). |
| The contrary doctrine is called: |
| "madness and blasphemy" by Gennadius (De dogm. eccl., lxix), |
| "madness" by Origen (in Luc., h, vii), |
| "sacrilege" by St. Ambrose (De instit. virg., V, xxxv), |
| "impiety and smacking of atheism" by Philostorgius (VI, 2), |
| "perfidy" by St. Bede (hom. v, and xxii), |
| "full of blasphemies" by the author of Prædestin. (i, 84), |
| "perfidy of the Jews" by Pope Siricius (ep. ix, 3), |
| "heresy" by St. Augustine (De Hær. h., lvi). |
| St. Epiphanius probably excels all others in his invectives against the opponents |
| of Our Lady's virginity (Hær., lxxviii, 1, 11, 23). |
| Sacred Scripture |
| There can be no doubt as to the Church's teaching and as to the existence of an |
| early Christian tradition maintaining the perpetual virginity of our Blessed Lady |
| and consequently the virgin birth of Jesus Christ. The mystery of the virginal |
| conception is furthermore taught by the third Gospel and confirmed by the first. |
| According to St. Luke (1:34-35), "Mary said to the angel: How shall this be done, |
| because I know not man? And the angel answering, said to her: The Holy Ghost |
| shall come upon thee, and the power of the most High shall overshadow thee. |
| And therefore also the Holy which shall be born of thee shall be called the Son of |
| God." The intercourse of man is excluded in the conception of Our Blessed Lord. |
| According to St. Matthew, St. Joseph, when perplexed by the pregnancy of |
| Mary, is told by the angel: "Fear not to take unto thee Mary thy wife, for that |
| which is conceived in her, is of the Holy Ghost" (1:20). |
| II. SOURCES OF THIS DOCTRINE |
| Whence did the Evangelists derive their information? As far as we know, only two |
| created beings were witnesses of the annunciation, the angel and the Blessed |
| Virgin. Later on the angel informed St. Joseph concerning the mystery. We do |
| not know whether Elizabeth, though "filled with the Holy Ghost", learned the full |
| truth supernaturally, but we may suppose that Mary confided the secret both to |
| her friend and her spouse, thus completing the partial revelation received by both. |
| Between these data and the story of the Evangelists there is a gap which cannot |
| be filled from any express clue furnished by either Scripture or tradition. If we |
| compare the narrative of the first Evangelist with that of the third, we find that St. |
| Matthew may have drawn his information from the knowledge of St. Joseph |
| independently of any information furnished by Mary. The first Gospel merely |
| states (1:18): "When as his mother Mary was espoused to Joseph, before they |
| came together, she was found with child, of the Holy Ghost." St. Joseph could |
| supply these facts either from personal knowledge or from the words of the angel: |
| "That which is conceived in her, is of the Holy Ghost." The narrative of St. Luke, |
| on the other hand, must ultimately be traced back to the testimony of Our |
| Blessed Lady, unless we are prepared to admit unnecessarily another |
| independent revelation. The evangelist himself points to Mary as the source of his |
| account of the infancy of Jesus, when he says that Mary kept all these words in |
| her heart (2:19, 51). Zahn [1] does not hesitate to say that Mary is pointed out by |
| these expressions as the bearer of the traditions in Luke 1 and 2. |
| A. How did St. Luke derive his account from the Blessed Virgin? It has been |
| supposed by some that he received his information from Mary herself. In the |
| Middle Ages he is at times called the "chaplain" of Mary [2]; J. Nirsch [3] calls |
| St. Luke the Evangelist of the Mother of God, believing that he wrote the history |
| of the infancy from her mouth and heart. Besides, there is the implied testimony |
| of the Evangelist, who assures us twice that Mary had kept all these words in her |
| heart. But this does not necessitate an immediate oral communication of the |
| history of the infancy on the part of Mary; it merely shows that Mary is the |
| ultimate source of the account. If St. Luke had received the history of the infancy |
| from the Blessed Virgin by way of oral communication, its presentation in the |
| third Gospel naturally would show the form and style of its Greek author. In point |
| of fact the history of the infancy as found in the third Gospel (1:5 to 2:52) betrays |
| in its contents, its language, and style a Jewish-Christian source. The whole |
| passage reads like a chapter from the First Book of Machabees; Jewish |
| customs, and laws, and peculiarities are introduced without any further |
| explanation; the "Magnificat", the "Benedictus", and the "Nunc dimittis" are filled |
| with national Jewish ideas. As to the style and language of the history of the |
| infancy, both are so thoroughly Semitic that the passage must be retranslated |
| into Hebrew or Aramaic in order to be properly appreciated. We must conclude, |
| then, that St. Luke's immediate source for the history of the infancy was not an |
| oral, but a written one. |
| B. It is hardly probable that Mary herself wrote the history of the infancy as was |
| supposed by A. Plummer [4]; it is more credible that the Evangelist used a |
| memoir written by a Jewish Christian, possibly a convert Jewish priest (cf. Acts |
| 6:7), perhaps even a member or friend of Zachary's family [5]. But, whatever may |
| be the immediate source of St. Luke's account, the Evangelist knows that he has |
| "diligently attained to all things from the beginning", according to the testimony of |
| those "who from the beginning were eyewitnesses and ministers of the word" |
| (Luke 1:2). |
| As to the original language of St. Luke's source, we may agree with the judgment |
| of Lagarde [6] that the first two chapters of St. Luke present a Hebrew rather than |
| a Greek or an Aramaic colouring. Writers have not been wanting who have tried |
| to prove that St. Luke's written source for his first two chapters was composed in |
| Hebrew [7]. But these proofs are not cogent; St. Luke's Hebraisms may have |
| their origin in an Aramaic source, or even in a Greek original composed in the |
| language of the Septuagint. Still, considering the fact that Aramaic was the |
| language commonly spoken in Palestine at that time, we must conclude that Our |
| Blessed Lady's secret was originally written in Aramaic, though it must have |
| been translated into Greek before St. Luke utilized it [8]. As the Greek of Luke |
| 2:41-52 is more idiomatic than the language of Luke 1:4-2:40, it has been inferred |
| that the Evangelist's written source reached only to 2:40; but as in 2:51, |
| expressions are repeated which occur in 2:19, it may be safely inferred that both |
| passages were taken from the same source. |
| The Evangelist recast the source of the history of the infancy before incorporating |
| it into his Gospel; for the use of words and expressions in Luke 1 and 2 agrees |
| with the language in the following chapters [9]. Harnack [10] and Dalman [11] |
| suggest that St. Luke may be the original author of his first two chapters, |
| adopting the language and style of the Septuagint; but Vogel [12] and Zahn [13] |
| maintain that such a literary feat would be impossible for a Greek-speaking |
| writer. What has been said explains why it is quite impossible to reconstruct St. |
| Luke's original source; the attempt of Resch [14] to reconstruct the original |
| Gospel of the infancy or the source of the first two chapters of the first and third |
| Gospel and the basis of the prologue to the fourth, is a failure, in spite of its |
| ingenuity. Conrady [15] believed that he had found the common source of the |
| canonical history of the infancy in the so-called "Protevangelium Jacobi", which, |
| according to him, was written in Hebrew by an Egyptian Jew about A.D. 120, and |
| was soon after translated into Greek; it should be kept in mind, however, that the |
| Greek text is not a translation, but the original, and a mere compilation from the |
| canonical Gospels. All we can say therefore, concerning St. Luke's source for |
| his history of the infancy of Jesus is reduced to the scanty information that it |
| must have been a Greek translation of an Aramaic document based, in the last |
| instance, on the testimony of Our Blessed Lady. |
| III. THE VIRGIN BIRTH IN MODERN THEOLOGY |
| Modern theology adhering to the principle of historical development, and denying |
| the possibility of any miraculous intervention in the course of history, cannot |
| consistently admit the historical actuality of the virgin birth. According to modern |
| views, Jesus was really the son of Joseph and Mary and was endowed by an |
| admiring posterity with the halo of Divinity; the story of his virgin birth was in |
| keeping with the myths concerning the extraordinary births of the heroes of other |
| nations [16]; the original text of the Gospels knew nothing of the virgin birth [17]. |
| Without insisting on the arbitrariness of the philosophical assumptions implied in |
| the position of modern theology, we shall briefly review its critical attitude |
| towards the text of the Gospels and its attempts to account for the early |
| Christian tradition concerning the virgin birth of Christ. |
| A. Integrity of the Gospel Text |
| Wellhausen [18] contended that the original text of the third Gospel began with |
| our present third chapter, the first two chapters being a later addition. But |
| Harnack seems to have foreseen this theory before it was proposed by |
| Wellhausen; for he showed that the two chapters in question belonged to the |
| author of the third Gospel and of the Acts [19]. Holtzmann [20] considers Luke |
| 1:34-35 as a later addition; Hillmann [21] believes that the words hos enouizeto |
| of Luke 3:23 ought to be considered in the same light. Weinel [22] believes that |
| the removal of the words epei andra ou ginosko from Luke 1:34 leaves the third |
| Gospel without a cogent proof for the virgin birth; Harnack not only agrees with |
| the omissions of Holtzmann and Hillmann, but deletes also the word parthenos |
| from Luke 1:27 [23]. Other friends of modern theology are rather sceptical as to |
| the solidity of these text-critical theories; Hilgenfield [24], Clement [25], and |
| Gunkel [26] reject Harnack's arguments without reserve. Bardenhewer [27] |
| weighs them singly and finds them wanting. |
| In the light of the arguments for the genuineness of the portions of the third |
| Gospel rejected by the above named critics, it is hard to understand how they |
| can be omitted by any unprejudiced student of the sacred text. |
| They are found in all manuscripts, translations, and early Christian |
| citations, in all printed editions in brief, in all the documents considered |
| by the critics as reliable witnesses for the genuineness of a text. |
| Furthermore, in the narrative of St. Luke, each verse is like a link in a |
| chain, so that no verse can be removed as an interpolation without |
| destroying the whole. |
| Moreover, verses 34 and 35 are in the Lucan history what the keystone is |
| in an arch, what a diamond is in its setting; the text of the Gospel without |
| these two verses resembles an unfinished arch, a setting bereft of its |
| precious stones [28]. |
| Finally, the Lucan account left us by the critics is not in keeping with the |
| rest of the Evangelist's narrative. According to the critics, verses 26-33 |
| and 36-38 relate the promise of the birth of the Messias, the son of |
| Joseph and Mary, just as the verses immediately preceding relate the |
| promise of the birth of the precursor, the son of Zachary and Elizabeth. |
| But there is a great difference: the precursor's story is filled with miracles |
| as Zachary's sudden dumbness, John's wonderful conception while |
| the account of Christ's conception offers nothing extraordinary; in the one |
| case the angel is sent to the child's father, Zachary, while in the other the |
| angel appears to Mary; in the one case Elizabeth is said to have |
| conceived "after those days", while there is nothing added about Mary's |
| conception [29]. The complete traditional text of the Gospel explains |
| these differences, but the critically mutilated text leaves them |
| inexplicable. |
| The friends of modern theology at first believed that they possessed a solid |
| foundation for denying the virgin birth in the Codex Syrus Sinaiticus discovered |
| by Mrs. Lewis and Mrs. Gibson in 1892, more accurately investigated in 1893, |
| published in 1894, and supplemented in 1896. According to this codex, Matthew |
| 1:16 reads: "Joseph to whom was espoused Mary the Virgin, begot Jesus who is |
| called Christ." Still, the Syriac translator cannot have been ignorant of the virgin |
| birth. Why did he leave the expression "the virgin" in the immediate context? |
| How did he understand verses 18, 20, and 25, if he did not know anything of the |
| virgin birth? Hence, either the Syriac text has been slightly altered by a |
| transcriber (only one letter had to be changed) or the translator understood the |
| word begot of conventional, not of carnal, fatherhood, a meaning it has in verses |
| 8 and 12. |
| B. Non-historical Source of the Virgin Birth |
| The opponents of the historical actuality of the virgin birth grant that either the |
| Evangelists or the interpolators of the Gospels borrowed their material from an |
| early Christian tradition, but they endeavour to show that this tradition has no |
| solid historical foundation. About A.D. 153 St. Justin (Apol., I, xxi) told his pagan |
| readers that the virgin birth of Jesus Christ ought not to seem incredible to them, |
| since many of the most esteemed pagan writers spoke of a number of sons of |
| Zeus. About A.D. 178 the Platonic philosopher Celsus ridiculed the virgin birth of |
| Christ, comparing it with the Greek myths of Danae, Melanippe, and Antiope; |
| Origen (c. Cels. I, xxxvii) answered that Celsus wrote more like a buffoon than a |
| philosopher. But modern theologians again derive the virgin birth of Our Lord from |
| unhistorical sources, though their theories do not agree. |
| The Pagan Origin Theory |
| A first class of writers have recourse to pagan mythology in order to account for |
| the early Christian tradition concerning the virgin birth of Jesus. Usener [30] |
| argues that the early Gentile Christians must have attributed to Christ what their |
| pagan ancestors had attributed to their pagan heroes; hence the Divine sonship |
| of Christ is a product of the religious thought of Gentile Christians. Hillmann [31] |
| and Holtzmann [32] agree substantially with Usener's theory. Conrady [33] found |
| in the Virgin Mary a Christian imitation of the Egyptian goddess Isis, the mother |
| of Horus; but Holtzmann [34] declares that he cannot follow this "daring |
| construction without a feeling of fear and dizziness", and Usener [35] is afraid |
| that his friend Conrady moves on a precipitous track. Soltau [36] tries to transfer |
| the supernatural origin of Augustus to Jesus, but Lobstein [37] fears that Soltau's |
| attempt may throw discredit on science itself, and Kreyher [38] refutes the theory |
| more at length. |
| In general, the derivation of the virgin birth from pagan mythology through the |
| medium of Gentile Christians implies several inexplicable difficulties: |
| Why should the Christian recently converted from paganism revert to his |
| pagan superstitions in his conception of Christian doctrines? |
| How could the product of pagan thought find its way among Jewish |
| Christians without leaving as much as a vestige of opposition on the part |
| of the Jewish Christians? |
| How could this importation into Jewish Christianity be effected at an age |
| early enough to produce the Jewish Christian sources from which either |
| the Evangelists or the interpolators of the Gospels derived their material? |
| Why did not the relatives of Christ's parents protest against the novel |
| views concerning Christ's origin? |
| Besides, the very argument on which rests the importation of the virgin birth from |
| pagan myths into Christianity is fallacious, to say the least. Its major premise |
| assumes that similar phenomena not merely may, but must, spring from similar |
| causes; its minor premise contends that Christ's virgin birth and the mythical |
| divine sonships of the pagan world are similar phenomena, a contention false on |
| the face of it. |
| The Jewish Origin Theory (Isaias 7:14) |
| A second class of writers derive the early Christian tradition of the virgin birth |
| from Jewish Christian influence. Harnack [39] is of the opinion that the virgin birth |
| originated from Isaias 7:14; Lobstein [40] adds the "poetic traditions surrounding |
| the cradle of Isaac, Samson, and Samuel" as another source of the belief in the |
| virgin birth. Modern theology does not grant that Isaias 7:14, contains a real |
| prophecy fulfilled in the virgin birth of Christ; it must maintain, therefore, that St. |
| Matthew misunderstood the passage when he said: "Now all this was done that |
| it might be fulfilled which the Lord spoke by the prophet, saying; Behold a virgin |
| shall be with child, and bring forth a son," etc. (1:22-23). How do Harnack and |
| Lobstein explain such a misunderstanding on the part of the Evangelist? There is |
| no indication that the Jewish contemporaries of St. Matthew understood the |
| prophet's words in this sense. Hillmann [41] proves that belief in the virgin birth is |
| not contained in the Old Testament, and therefore cannot have been taken from |
| it. Dalman [42] maintains that the Jewish people never expected a fatherless |
| birth of the Messias, and that there exists no vestige of such a Jewish |
| interpretation of Isaias 7:14. |
| Those who derive the virgin birth from Isaias 7:14, must maintain that an |
| accidental misinterpretation of the Prophet by the Evangelist replaced historic |
| truth among the early Christians in spite of the better knowledge and the |
| testimony of the disciples and kindred of Jesus. Zahn [43] calls such a |
| supposition "altogether fantastic"; Usener [44] pronounce the attempt to make |
| Isaias 7:14 the origin of the virgin birth, instead of its seal, an inversion of the |
| natural order. Though Catholic exegesis endeavours to find in the Old Testament |
| prophetic indications of the virgin birth, still it grants that the Jewish Christians |
| arrived at the full meaning of Isaias 7:14, only through its accomplishment [45]. |
| The Syncretic Theory |
| There is a third theory which endeavours to account for the prevalence of the |
| doctrine of the virgin birth among the early Jewish Christians. Gunkel [46] grants |
| that the idea of virgin birth is a pagan idea, wholly foreign to the Jewish |
| conception of God; but he also grants that this idea could not have found its way |
| into early Jewish Christianity through pagan influence. Hence he believes that the |
| idea had found its way among the Jews in pre-Christian times, so that the |
| Judaism which flowed directly into early Christianity had undergone a certain |
| amount of syncretism. Hilgenfeld [47] tries to derive the Christian teaching of the |
| virgin birth neither from classical paganism nor from pure Judaism, but from the |
| Essene depreciation of marriage. The theories of both Gunkel and Hilgenfeld are |
| based on airy combinations rather than historical evidence. Neither writer |
| produces any historical proof for his assertions. Gunkel, indeed, incidentally |
| draws attention to Parsee ideas, to the Buddha legend, and to Roman and Greek |
| fables. But the Romans and Greeks did not exert such a notable influence on |
| pre-Christian Judaism; and that the Buddha legend reached as far as Palestine |
| cannot be seriously maintained by Gunkel [48]. Even Harnack [49] regards the |
| theory that the idea of virgin birth penetrated among the Jews through Parsee |
| influence, as an unprovable assumption. |
| [1] "Einleitung in das Neue Testament", 2nd ed., II, 406, Leipzig, 1900 |
| [2] cf. Du Cange, "Gloss. med. et inf. latinitatis", s.v. "Capellani"; ed. L. Favre |
| [3] "Das Grab der heiligen Jungfrau Maria", 51, Mainz, 1896 |
| [4] "A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Gospel of St. Luke" in "The International Critical |
| Commentary", Edinburgh, 1896, p. 7 |
| [5] cf. Blass, "Evangelium secundum Lucam", xxiii, Leipzig, 1897 |
| [6] "Mitteilungen", III, 345, Göttingen, 1889 |
| [7] cf. Gunkel, "Zum religions-geschichtl. Verständnis des Neuen Testaments", pp. 67 sq., Göttingen, |
| 1903 |
| [8] cf. Bardenhewer, "Maria Verkündigung" in "Biblische Studien", X, v, pp. 32 sq., Freiburg, 1905 |
| [9] cf. Feine, "Eine vorkanonische Ueberlieferung des Lukas in Evangelium und Apostelgeschichte", |
| Gotha, 1891, p. 19; Zimmermann, "Theol. Stud. und Krit.", 1903, 250 sqq. |
| [10] Sitzungsber. der Berliner Akad., 1900, pp. 547 sqq. |
| [11] "Die Worte Jesu", I, 31 sq., Leipzig, 1898 |
| [12] "Zur Charakteristik des Lukas nach Sprache und Stil", Leipzig, 1897, p. 33 |
| [13] Einleitung, 2nd ed., ii, 406 |
| [14] "Das Kindheitesevangelium nach Lukas und Matthäus" in "Texte und Untersuchungen zur |
| Gesch. der altchristl. Literatur", X, v, 319, Leipzig, 1897 |
| [15] "Die Quelle der kanonischen Kindheitsgeschichte Jesus", Göttingen, 1900 |
| [16] Gunkel, "Zum religionsgesch. Verst. des N.T.", p, 65, Göttingen, 1903 |
| [17] Usener, "Geburt und Kindheit Christi" in "Zeitschrift für die neutest. Wissenschaft", IV, 1903, 8 |
| [18] "Das Evangelium Lukä", Berlin, 1904 |
| [19] Sitzungsberichte der Kgl. preuss. Akad. der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 1900, 547 |
| [20] "Handkommentar züm Neuen Testament", I, 31 sq., Freiburg, 1889 |
| [21] "Die Kindheitsgeschichte Jesu nach Lukas kritisch untersucht" in "Jahrb. für protest. Theol.", |
| XVII, 225 sqq., 1891 |
| [22] "Die Auslegung des apostolischen Bekenntnisses von F. Kattenbusch und die neut. Forschung" |
| in "Zeitschrift für d. n. t. Wissensch.", II, 37 sqq., 1901; cf. Kattenbusch, "Das apostolische Symbol", |
| II, 621, Leipzig, 1897-1900 |
| [23] Zeitschrift für d. n. t. Wissensch., 53 sqq., 1901 |
| [24] "Die Geburt Jesu aus der Jungfrau in dem Lukasevangelium" in "Zeitschr. für wissenschaftl. |
| Theologie", XLIV, 313 sqq., 1901 |
| [25] Theol. Literaturzeitung, 1902, 299 |
| [26] op. cit., p. 68 |
| [27] "Maria Verkündigung", pp. 8-12, Freiburg, 1905 |
| [28] cf. Feine, "Eine vorkanonische Ueberlieferung", 39, Gotha, 1891 |
| [29] Bardenhewer, op. cit., 13 sqq.; Gunkel, op. cit., 68 |
| [30] "Religionsgeschichtl. Untersuchungen", I, 69 sqq., Bonn, 1899; "Geburt und Kindheit Christi" in |
| "Zeitschrift für d. n. t. Wissensch.", IV, 1903, 15 sqq. |
| [31] Jahrb. f. protest. Theol., XVII, 1891, 231 sqq. |
| [32] "Lehrb. d. n. t. Theol.", I, 413 sqq., Freiburg, 1897 |
| [33] "Die Quelle der kanonisch. Kindheitsgesch. Jesus", Göttingen, 1900, 278 sqq. |
| [34] Theol. Literaturzeit., 1901, p. 136 |
| [35] Zeitschr. f. d. n. t. Wissensch., 1903, p. 8 |
| [36] "Die Geburtsgeschichte Jesu Christi", Leipzig, 1902, p. 24 |
| [37] Theol. Literaturzeitung, 1902, p. 523 |
| [38] "Die jungfräuliche Geburt des Herrn", Gutersloh, 1904 |
| [39] "Lehrb. d. Dogmengesch.", 3rd ed., I, 95 sq., Freiburg, 1894 |
| [40] "Die Lehre von der übernatürlichen Geburt Christi", 2nd ed., 28-31, Freiburg, 1896 |
| [41] "Jahrb. f. protest. Theol.", 1891, XVII, 233 sqq., 1891 |
| [42] Die Worte Jesu, I, Leipzig, 1898, 226 |
| [43] "Das Evangelium des Matthäus ausgelegt", 2nd ed., Leipziig, 1905, pp. 83 sq. |
| [44] "Religionsgesch. Untersuch.", I, Bonn, 1889, 75 |
| [45] Bardenhewer op. cit., 23; cf. Flunk, Zeitschrift f. kathol. Theol.", XXVIII, 1904, 663 |
| [46] op. cit., 65 sqq. |
| [47] "Zeitschr. f. wissensch. Theol.", 1900, XLIII, 271; 1901, XLIV, 235 |
| [48] cf. Oldenberg, "Theol. Literaturzeit.", 1905, 65 sq. |
| [49] "Dogmengesch.", 3rd ed., Freiburg, 1894, 96 |
| Besides the works cited in the course of this article, we may draw attention to the dogmatic treatises |
| on the supernatural origin of the Humanity of Christ through the Holy Ghost from the Virgin Mary |
| especially: WILHELM AND SCANNELL, Manual of Catholic Theology, II (London and New York, |
| 1898), 105 sqq.; 208 sqq.; HUNTER, Outlines of Dogmatic Theology, II (New York, 1896), 567 sqq.; |
| also to the principal commentaries on Matt., i, ii; Luke, i, ii. Among Protestant writings we may |
| mention the tr. of LOBSTEIN, The Virgin Birth of Christ (London, 1903); BRIGGS, Criticism and the |
| Dogma of the Virgin Birth in North Am. Rev. (June, 1906); ALLEN in Interpreter (Febr., 1905), 115 |
| sqq.; (Oct., 1905), 52 sqq.; CARR in Expository Times, XVIII, 522, 1907; USENER, s. v. Nativity in |
| Encyclo. Bibl., III, 3852; CHEYNE, Bible Problems (1905), 89 sqq.; CARPENTER, Bible in the |
| Nineteenth Century (1903), 491 sqq.; RANDOLPH, The Virgin Birth of Our Lord (1903). |
| A. J. Maas |
| Transcribed by Douglas J. Potter |
| Dedicated to the Immaculate Heart of the Blessed Virgin Mary |
| The Catholic Encyclopedia, Volume XV |
| Copyright © 1912 by Robert Appleton Company |
| Online Edition Copyright © 1999 by Kevin Knight |
| Nihil Obstat, October 1, 1912. Remy Lafort, S.T.D., Censor |
| Imprimatur. +John Cardinal Farley, Archbishop of New York |
| The Catholic Encyclopedia: NewAdvent.org |